establishment at responsible positions. Even if they knew how to work, they did not
seek to change their negative attitude towards
the Ukrainian national movement.
Dmytro Dontsov, national movement activist, who occupied the post of Chief of
the Ukrainian Telegraphic Agency during the Hetmanate,
recalled that somehow the
head of the Ukrainian State nervously addressed him: ‘Well, where are those
Ukrainians? Well, give them to me! Such as I need, with whom I could talk and work!
Where are they?!’ [20].
Thus P. Skoropadsky did not consider national traits in the selection of
professional personnel, but proceeded from the principle of professionalism. The
leaders of the Ukrainian People’s Republic, on the contrary, did not accept ex-Tsar
officials given their belonging to autocracy and counterrevolution. They preferred to
have their own Ukrainian representatives of revolutionary democracy, who were often
members of socialist parties, but poor specialist. No wonder the German Lieutenant
General V. Grener characterized the situation in Ukraine under the times of Central
Rada as ‘chaos’ and ‘madhouse’, and as for the leaders of the Ukrainian People’s
Republic he used such words as ‘talking-shop’ or ‘sectarian prayer for immature
students and other young dreamers and bad elements’ [21].
At the same time, many Hetman officials, despite their love for Russia, started to
behave in the way as, in their opinion, were supposed to act Ukrainian statesmen and
‘
samostiinyky’
. O. Tatischev, native Russian, who worked in the State Secretariat,
pointed out, that the ‘psychology’ of the new state began to penetrate into minds of
Hetman’s ministers, who gradually attempted to create a new state, forgetting or trying
to forget the habits and traditions of their previous life and activities. To his mind, this
was partly justified. But regarding the desire to conduct Ukrainisation and remove all
that, which resembled the former imperial unity, Hetman himself and his ministers
often crossed the line of [22]. As a result, it made a painful impression on people of
Russian culture.
Of course, the Ukrainisation of education, state institutions and other state-
building activities, carried out by Hetman’s authorities, oppressed many Russians and
people abroad. M. Alekseev, A. Denikin, V. Shulgin and many other well-known
leaders of the White Movement could not forgive this to P. Skoropadsky, as well as his
pro-German orientation. The head of the Volunteer Army Anton Denikin even noted
the anti-Russian Hetman’s chauvinistic policy [23].
Thus, the Hetman’s policy, on the one hand, was condemned by the Ukrainian
parties for gratifying the Russians and, on the other hand, by the Russians for
displaying the Ukrainian national traits.
Although for the sake of objectivity it should be noted that among the figures of
the White Movement there were those who tried to defend P. Skoropadsky’s policy.
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