Language and Writing within the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences. The researchers
also point out that the head of the Ukrainian State did not prevent the elections to the
Jewish National Constituent Assembly, stipulated by the legislation of the Ukrainian
People’s Republic on national minority [28].
Natalia Chebotok, researcher of Skoropadsky’s historical period, makes an
appropriate scientific conclusion: ‘Analyses of the Ukrainian State’s documents shows
that the official Kyiv kept up the course at that time for promoting among Ukrainians
love for their nation, and stood aside from attempts of some extremist-tuned circles to
propagandize hatred of other nations’ [29].
At the same time, domestic experts in the field of ethnopolitics point out also
certain sympathies and preferences, provided by Hetman’s authorities towards Russian
and German minorities. Regarding the latter, this was manifested in the functioning of
a special Government Commission on German colonists, the founding of the
Ukrainian-German Society for Cultural and Economic
Rapprochement
, etc. However,
it did not violate the national equality of all citizens of Ukraine.
Yuri Kotlyar, researcher, points out that P. Skoropadsky’s national policy can be
reasonably defined as well-balanced, although it affected to a certain extent the
interests of citizens on a national basis. But in most cases Hetman and his associates,
‘without crying out, as their predecessors, about the great love to Jews, Poles, Russians
and representatives of other nations, in general did not persecute anyone for belonging
to other nations’ [30].
Scientist M. Lazarovych characterized P. Skoropadsky’s ethno-national politics
as moderate. Moreover, he noted that, despite some differences in the policy of the
Central Rada and the Hetmanate regarding national minorities, both authorities were
united by a tolerant attitude towards all ethnic groups living in Ukraine [31].
Historian
V. Ustymenko also defined Hetman’s policy towards national
minorities as moderate. Hence, he warned against its idealization, since the uncertainty
of interethnic relations and flirtation with Russian pro-great-powers eventually led to
an anti-Hetman uprising and the overthrow of Hetman’s power [32].
Many scholars consider the abolition by the Hetman authorities of the Law of the
Ukrainian People’s Republic on National-Personal Autonomy as incorrect [33].
However, in a detailed analysis of this normative legal act, it is necessary to recognize
its incompleteness. The law placed three national minorities in a privileged position:
Russian, Polish, and Jewish. As for the Belarussian, Bulgarian, Greek, Moldavian,
German, Czech, Tatar ethnic groups – the legislative act granted the right to national-
personal autonomy in case of receipt by the General Court of statements from 10,000
citizens of the Ukrainian People’s Republic belonging to this community. Statements
from ethnic groups not mentioned in the law, had to be submitted to the Parliament of
the Ukrainian People’s Republic for consideration. In order to exercise the right to self-
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